Khartoum Resolution - History

Khartoum Resolution - History

The conference has affirmed the unity of Arab ranks, the unity of joint action and the need for coordination and for the elimination of all differences. The Kings, Presidents and representatives of the other Arab Heads of State at the conference have affirmed their countries' stand by and implementation of the Arab Solidarity Charter which was signed at the third Arab summit conference in Casablanca. 2. The conference has agreed on the need to consolidate all efforts to eliminate the effects of the aggression on the basis that the occupied lands are Arab lands and that the burden of regaining these lands falls on all the Arab States. 3. The Arab Heads of State have agreed to unite their political efforts at the international and diplomatic level to eliminate the effects of the aggression and to ensure the withdrawal of the aggressive Israeli forces from the Arab lands which have been occupied since the aggression of June 5. This will be done within the framework of the main principles by which the Arab States abide, namely, no peace with Israel, no recognition of Israel, no negotiations with it, and insistence on the rights of the Palestinian people in their own country. 4. The conference of Arab Ministers of Finance, Economy and Oil recommended that suspension of oil pumping be used as a weapon in the battle. However, after thoroughly studying the matter, the summit conference has come to the conclusion that the oil pumping can itself be used as a positive weapon, since oil is an Arab resource which can be used to strengthen the economy of the Arab States directly affected by the aggression, so that these States will be able to stand firm in the battle. The conference has, therefore, decided to resume the pumping of oil, since oil is a positive Arab resource that can be used in the service of Arab goals. It can contribute to the efforts to enable those Arab States which were exposed to the aggression and thereby lost economic resources to stand firm and eliminate the effects of the aggression. The oil-producing States have, in fact, participated in the efforts to enable the States affected by the aggression to stand firm in the face of any economic pressure. 5. The participants in the conference have approved the plan proposed by Kuwait to set up an Arab Economic and Social Development Fund on the basis of the recommendation of the Baghdad conference of Arab Ministers of Finance, Economy and Oil. 6. The participants have agreed on the need to adopt the necessary measures to strengthen military preparation to face all eventualities. 7. The conference has decided to expedite the elimination of foreign bases in the Arab States.


Siege of Khartoum

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Siege of Khartoum, (March 13, 1884–January 26, 1885), military blockade of Khartoum, capital of the Sudan, by al-Mahdī and his followers. The city, which was defended by an Egyptian garrison under the British general Charles George (“Chinese”) Gordon, was eventually captured, and its defenders, including Gordon, were slaughtered, which caused a storm of public protest against the alleged inaction of the British government under Prime Minister William Gladstone.


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Khartoum Resolution - History

After the 1967 Six-Day War, Israel was — in Defense Minister Moshe Dayan's famous phrase — "waiting for a telephone call" from Arab leaders. Israelis expected to hear that now, at last, their neighbors were ready to talk peace. Having escaped not only feared annihilation, but also winning a seemingly miraculous victory, Israel's leaders did two things: They vowed not to return to the vulnerable armistice lines of 1948 and '49 or to a divided Jerusalem, and yet to be "unbelievably generous in working out peace terms," as Foreign Minister Abba Eban put it. In direct talks with Arab countries, "everything is negotiable," he said.

But, as Maj. Gen. (later president) Chaim Herzog noted, "Israel's belief that the war had come to an end and peace would prevail along the borders was quickly dispelled. Three weeks after the conclusion of hostilities, the first major incident occurred along the Suez Canal."

Meanwhile, from late June through July, the Soviet Union — determined to revive its influence and the confidence of its allies, Egypt and Syria — initiated a massive resupply of arms. This included the shipment of more than 200 crated MiG fighter jets in two weeks.

On July 15, five Arab leaders agreed "on the necessary effective steps to eliminate the consequences of imperialist Israeli aggression on the Arab homeland." This language echoed Soviet advice to "liquidate the consequences" of the war without conceding anything to Israel. Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser and his colleagues attempted to stand reality on its head and convince themselves, and the world, that they had been victimized, rather than defeated by Israel in self-defense.

Regaining confidence, Nasser declared on July 23 "that he was preparing his armed forces to continue the battle against Israel. 'We shall never surrender and shall not accept any peace that means surrender." In addition, he asserted, "'we shall preserve the rights of the Palestinians,'" ( A History of Israel: From the Rise of Zionism to Our Time , Howard M. Sachar, Alfred A. Knopf, New York, 1996, second edition). These "rights" were to be realized not only by Israeli withdrawal to the 1948 and '49 armistice lines, but eventually to the truncated boundaries proposed in the 1947 U.N. partition plan (rejected by the Arab representatives at the time).

Finally, the leaders of thirteen Arab states gathered at a summit conference in Khartoum, Sudan from August 29 to September 1. There they pledged to continue their struggle against Israel. Influenced by Nasser, "their conditions were quite specific: no peace with Israel, no negotiations with Israel, no recognition of Israel, and 'maintenance of the rights of the Palestinian people in their nation.' The Khartoum Declaration was the first serious warning to the Israelis that their expectation of an imminent 'phone call' from the Arab world might be a pipe dream" (Sachar).


The History of New Year’s Resolutions

The ancient Babylonians are said to have been the first people to make New Year’s resolutions, some 4,000 years ago. They were also the first to hold recorded celebrations in honor of the new year—though for them the year began not in January but in mid-March, when the crops were planted. During a massive 12-day religious festival known as Akitu, the Babylonians crowned a new king or reaffirmed their loyalty to the reigning king. They also made promises to the gods to pay their debts and return any objects they had borrowed. These promises could be considered the forerunners of our New Year’s resolutions. If the Babylonians kept to their word, their (pagan) gods would bestow favor on them for the coming year. If not, they would fall out of the gods’ favor𠅊 place no one wanted to be.

A similar practice occurred in ancient Rome, after the reform-minded emperor Julius Caesar tinkered with the calendar and established January 1 as the beginning of the new year circa 46 B.C. Named for Janus, the two-faced god whose spirit inhabited doorways and arches, January had special significance for the Romans. Believing that Janus symbolically looked backwards into the previous year and ahead into the future, the Romans offered sacrifices to the deity and made promises of good conduct for the coming year.

For early Christians, the first day of the new year became the traditional occasion for thinking about one’s past mistakes and resolving to do and be better in the future. In 1740, the English clergyman John Wesley, founder of Methodism, created the Covenant Renewal Service, most commonly held on New Year’s Eve or New Year’s Day. Also known as known as watch night services, they included readings from Scriptures and hymn singing, and served as a spiritual alternative to the raucous celebrations normally held to celebrate the coming of the new year. Now popular within evangelical Protestant churches, especially African American denominations and congregations, watch night services held on New Year’s Eve are often spent praying and making resolutions for the coming year.

Despite the tradition’s religious roots, New Year’s resolutions today are a mostly secular practice. Instead of making promises to the gods, most people make resolutions only to themselves, and focus purely on self-improvement (which may explain why such resolutions seem so hard to follow through on). According to recent research, while as many as 45 percent of Americans say they usually make New Year’s resolutions, only 8 percent are successful in achieving their goals. But that dismal record probably won’t stop people from making resolutions anytime soon�ter all, we’ve had about 4,000 years of practice.


The Fourth ‘No’ of the Khartoum Resolution: No Return of Palestinian Refugees

In the aftermath of the Arabs humiliating defeat in the June 1967 war with Israel, the leaders of eight Arab countries assembled in Khartoum, Sudan to proclaim their unity with each other and the cause against Israel which had just taken the Sinai from Egypt, the West Bank from Jordan, and the Golan Heights from Syria. They published the Khartoum Resolution which, among other matters, proclaimed the infamous ‘three No’s’ regarding Israel:

𔄛. The Arab Heads of State have agreed to unite their political efforts at the international and diplomatic level to eliminate the effects of the aggression and to ensure the withdrawal of the aggressive Israeli forces from the Arab lands which have been occupied since the aggression of June 5. This will be done within the framework of the main principles by which the Arab States abide, namely, no peace with Israel, no recognition of Israel, no negotiations with it, and insistence on the rights of the Palestinian people in their own country.”

The comedy of classic clowns might be lost on the listeners of later generations, but the Arab heads of state made the subject of Palestinians having their “own country” a new priority, after 18 years of occupying the West Bank and Gaza between 1949 and 1967, and making no effort whatsoever to create an independent Palestinian state.

What’s more, the no peace/ recognition/ negotiations with Israel not only prevented any pathway to peace for all the Arab actors with Israel, it slammed the door shut on Palestinian refugees having any chance of returning to homes in Israel.

As stated in the 1948 UN General Assembly Resolution 194, item 11, “refugees wishing to return to their homes and live at peace with their neighbours should be permitted to do so at the earliest practicable date, and that compensation should be paid for the property of those choosing not to return and for loss of or damage to property.” The 1967 Khartoum Resolution made clear that there would be no peace with Israel, and consequently, no return for any refugees.

This was not a new or novel issue for the Arab world.

In October 1950, not long after the end of Israel’s War of Independence, the United Nations sought a method of handling the displaced Arabs who had left Israel. The UN Conciliation Commission for Palestine noted the opinion of Israel’s first Prime Minister David Ben Gurion about the status of the Arab refugees:

“Mr. Ben Gurion’s view this passage [Resolution 194] made the possibility of a return of the refugees to their homes contingent, so to speak, on the establishment of peace: so long as the Arab States refused to make peace with the State of Israel, it was evident that Israel could not fully rely upon the declaration that Arab refugees might make concerning their intention to live at peace with their neighbours. Mr. Ben Gurion did not exclude the possibility of acceptance for repatriation of a limited number of Arab refugees, but he made it clear that the Government of Israel considered that a real solution of the major part of the refugee question lay in the resettlement of the refugees in Arab States. On the other hand, Mr. Ben Gurion fully recognized the humanitarian aspect of the problem and on several occasions declared that, when the time came, the Government of Israel would be ready to take part in the efforts necessary for its solution and that it would do this in a sincere spirit of co-operation. Mr. Ben Gurion told the Commission, however, that the Government of Israel considered the refugee question as one of those which should be examined and solved during the general negotiations for the establishment of peace in Palestine.”

Arab states rejected the existence of the Jewish State at its founding in 1948 and dug in deeper after the loss of territory that belonged to THEM (as opposed to local Palestinians) in 1967. While Egypt and Jordan did sign peace agreements with Israel in 1979 and 1994, respectively, the remainder of the Arab world still has not. Thirty Arab and Muslim states still refuse to acknowledge the basic existence of Israel.

So while the number of Palestinian “refugees” stood at roughly 1 million in 1967, that number ballooned to over 5.5 million in 2019. Bringing that many Arabs into Israel would completely alter the demographic composition and character of Israel, a point which the United Nations abhors when it comes to Jews living in the West Bank as it stated in the 2016 UNSC Resolution 2334: “Condemning all measures aimed at altering the demographic composition, character and status of the Palestinian Territory occupied since 1967, including East Jerusalem.” If the desired Arab state cannot handle a 5% Jewish population, how can anyone possibly consider that the Jewish State, which already has a 20% Arab population, take in an additional 5 million Arabs?


Arab women entering the Western Wall Plaza in Jerusalem, Israel
(photo: First.One.Through)

The Arab world declared three No’s to Israel in 1967, and also effectively sealed the fate of Palestinian refugees, that they would never move to houses in Israel.


Khartoum

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Khartoum, Arabic Al-Khurṭūm, (“Elephant’s Trunk”), city, executive capital of Sudan, just south of the confluence of the Blue and White Nile rivers. It has bridge connections with its sister towns, Khartoum North and Omdurman, with which it forms Sudan’s largest conurbation. Originally an Egyptian army camp (pitched 1821), Khartoum grew into a garrisoned army town. The Mahdists besieged and destroyed it in 1885 and killed Major General Charles George Gordon, then the British governor-general of the Sudan. Reoccupied in 1898, Khartoum was rebuilt by Governor-General Lord Kitchener and served as the seat of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan government until 1956, when the city became the capital of the independent republic of Sudan.

Khartoum is a major trade and communications centre, with rail lines from Egypt, Port Sudan, and Al-Ubayyiḍ, river traffic on the Blue and White Nile rivers, and an international airport. Built along spacious tree-lined avenues, its principal buildings include the palace, parliament, Sudan National Museum, University of Khartoum (formerly Gordon Memorial College, 1902), Nilayn University (formerly the Khartoum Branch of the University of Cairo, 1955), and Sudan University of Science and Technology (1950). There are Roman Catholic, Anglican, and Coptic cathedrals as well as Greek and Maronite churches and several mosques. Besides acting as a trading centre, Khartoum also produces textiles, gums, and glass and serves as a printing and food-processing centre. An oil pipeline between Khartoum and Port Sudan was completed in 1977. Because of immigration from other regions and from western Africa, Khartoum exhibits less of an Arabian cultural influence than its sister towns, even though most of its population speaks Arabic. Pop. (1993) city, 924,505 (1990 est.) metropolitan area, 1,950,000 (2008) city, 1,410,858 metropolitan area, 4,272,728.

The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica This article was most recently revised and updated by Amy McKenna, Senior Editor.


Khartoum Resolution issued

Following the 6-day war of 1967, the Israel unity government declared on June 19, 1967 that it was ready to return the Golan Heights to Syria, Sinai to Egypt and most of the West Bank to Jordan, in return for peace treaties with its Arab neighbors, normalization of relations and guarantee of navigation through the Straits of Tiran. The refugee problem would be solved by resettlement outside the borders of the State of Israel. On the same day, the USSR submitted UN General Assembly resolution 519, calling for immediate Israeli withdrawal from all territories, with no mention of peace or negotiations. The resolution was voted down on July 4.

In the wake of the Arab defeat, eight Arab heads of state attended an Arab summit conference in Khartoum, Sudan held August 29 - September 1, 1967. It formulated the Arab consensus that underlay the official policies of most Arab states for the next two decades and beyond, with the exception of Egypt: " no peace with Israel, no recognition of Israel, no negotiations with it." The same policy had been followed, officially, since the 1949 armistice negotiations following the Israeli victory in the 1948 war (the War of Independence) despite behind the scenes efforts at a settlement. This appeared to be the Arab answer to the Israeli call for a negotiated settlement based on the principle of land for peace. At the same time, the conference gave up the petroleum embargo on the West. The embargo was inspired by the kind of thinking enunciated by Egyptian President Gamal Abdul Nasser, in his speech following the Egyptian defeat in the 6-Day War. Nasser had blamed the Israeli victory on alleged air-support provided the United States, and proclaimed bitterly, "The Sixth Fleet runs on Arab Petroleum." The resolutions also called for a fund to assist the economies of Egypt and Jordan, and a new agreement to end the inter-Arab war in Yemen. Egypt broke the "no negotiations, no recognition" taboo after the 1974 October War. Syria and Libya led the "refusal front" which refused to recognize UN resolution 242 or to negotiate peace with Israel.

The Khartoum Resolution of September 1, 1967 was issued at the conclusion of a meeting between the leaders of eight Arab countries in the wake of the Six-Day War. The resolution, which formed a basis of the policies of these governments toward Israel until the Yom Kippur War of 1973, called for: a continued state of belligerency with Israel ending the Arab oil boycott declared during the Six-Day War an end to the North Yemen Civil War and economic assistance for Egypt and Jordan. The resolution also contains in paragraph 3 what became known as "the three noes" of Arab-Israel relations at that time: no peace with Israel, no recognition of Israel, no negotiations with Israel.


Gordon Digs In

Though London desired to abandon Sudan, Gordon firmly believed the Mahdists needed to be defeated or they could overrun Egypt. Citing a lack of boats and transport, he ignored his orders to evacuate and began organizing a defense of Khartoum. In an effort to win over the city's residents, he improved the justice system and remitted taxes. Recognizing that Khartoum's economy rested on the trade of enslaved people, he re-legalized enslavement despite the fact that he had originally ended it during his earlier term as governor-general.

While unpopular at home, this move increased Gordon's support in the city. As he moved forward, he began requesting reinforcements to defend the city. An initial request for a regiment of Turkish troops was denied as was a later call for a force of Indian Muslims. Increasingly agitated by Gladstone's lack of support, Gordon began sending a series of angry telegrams to London.

These soon became public and led to a vote of no confidence against Gladstone's government. Though he survived, Gladstone steadfastly refused to become committed to a war in Sudan. Left on his own, Gordon began enhancing Khartoum's defenses. Protected to the north and west by the White and Blue Niles, he saw that fortifications and trenches were constructed to the south and east.

Facing the desert, these were supported by land mines and wire barriers. To defend the rivers, Gordon retrofitted several steamers into gunboats which were protected by metal plates. Attempting an offensive near Halfaya on March 16, Gordon's troops faltered and took 200 casualties. In the wake of the setback, he concluded that he should remain on the defensive.


Khartoum, Sudan (1821- )

Khartoum, the capital of the modern state of Sudan, is located in an area of rich farmland where the Blue Nile and the White Nile meet. Khartoum initially grew because of the Turko-Egyptian conquest of Sudan in 1821. Mohammed Ali Pasha (1769-1849), nominally an Ottoman vassal, recognized the strategic importance of the river crossing and constructed a fort on the site. Soon, a town had sprung up around the outpost, and in 1830 it was formally recognized as the political center for Egyptian Sudan. From this locale the Egyptians managed their new possessions and enforced their will through army garrisons throughout the Sudan.

The new residents, drawn from many different Sudanese ethnic groups as well as Egyptians, were given government financed building materials to ensure that the new capital would become a permanent settlement. Along with government officials, early Khartoum also hosted numerous traders as commerce prospered in and around the city. Ivory, sugar, and cotton were all traded in the markets of Khartoum. The city’s slave trade was one of Khartoum’s largest industries. From 1840 to 1860, more than 40,000 humans were sold in the city each year.

In 1885, Khartoum was besieged and captured by the armies of the Mahdist Revolution. The movement was led by Muhammad Ahmad ibn Abdullah (1844-1885), self-proclaimed Mahdi, who controlled the country for the next thirteen years from Khartoum. In 1898, Anglo-Egyptian forces successfully invaded the Sudan and overthrew the Mahdist regime. One year later, Khartoum was made the seat of their new joint colonial government.

In 1900, the city’s new British colonial administrators ordered a 25-year land survey in which all land claims were addressed. That same year, General H. H. Kitchener (1850-1916) redesigned the city around diagonally running streets meeting at roundabouts that could easily be defended if the city were attacked. In 1909, a new rail line provided quick access to the Red Sea via Port Sudan. From 1929-1936 under the tenure of British Governor E. G. Sarsfield-Hall (1886-1975), Khartoum began to industrialize.

When Sudan gained its independence in 1956, Khartoum continued in its role as the nation’s capital. Between 1960 and 1990 Khartoum’s population grew tenfold to over one million inhabitants. This rapid urbanization resulted in housing shortages, chronic traffic congestion, and other failures of infrastructure. In recent years, this overcrowding has been exacerbated by an influx of refugees from conflict throughout the region. To this day, the outskirts of Khartoum are home to countless squatters.